Australia-Japan Ties Are Critical To Indo-Pacific Security

By Dr. Matthew Pajares-Yngson, Filipino Dominican diplomat and a Caribbean Asean Council envoy.

On 18 April, Australia finalised its acquisition of 11 Mogami-class frigates from Japan in a $10 billion deal which Defence Minister Richard Marles called fundamental for the Royal Australian Navy.

The frigates, the first three of which will be built in Japan, and the remaining eight in Western Australia, will significantly bolster Canberra's operational reach and maritime security.

The announcement was soon followed by Prime Minister Takaichi's sweeping reforms Japan's arms export rules. Lethal weapons are now available for export, subject to case-by-case approval by the National Security Council. Previously, exports had been limited to five non-lethal categories.

Australia's major naval purchase, and Japan's defence export rule change, are emblematic of a change in posture by both countries – one motivated by the growing and relentless threats to a Free and Open Indo-Pacific (FOIP).

FOIP is a concept, envisioned in Tokyo, that seeks to uphold international order based on stability, the rule of law, and freedom of navigation comes under grave threat.

It is in this context that deepened cooperation between Australia and Japan has become essential. Threats to the Indo-Pacific are driven by wider conflict in the Middle East, but also by dangers much closer to home: China and North Korea.

Just last month, in a clear demonstration of its intent to destabilise the region, North Korea launched ten ballistic missiles capable of carrying weapons of mass destruction. In April, it fired another ballistic missile with a range of up to 700 kilometres.

Most worrying is the persistent threat that an aggressive Beijing poses. Last year, China conducted live fire drills near the Australian seaboard and Chinese fighter jets dropped flares near one of Australia's maritime patrol planes.

Prime Minister Anthony Albanese expressed concern over the flare incident, while Defence Minister Marles has warned that maintaining FOIP is becoming increasingly challenging due to China's large-scale military buildup.

Targeting Tokyo, Beijing recklessly locked on to Japanese fighter jets last year and has leveraged its economic might to reduce Japan's access to rare earths and dual-use goods.

Of further concern is that China is expanding its preparations for potential conflict. It is currently conducting extensive seabed surveys across the Pacific, Indian, and Arctic Oceans, collecting data essential for submarine warfare against the United States and its allies. Beijing also continues to carry out joint naval transits and bomber flights with Russia.

The whole Indo-Pacific is firmly in China's sights, from Australia to Japan.

It is no wonder that in this deeply concerning regional context, Japan's promotion of FOIP is viewed positively in Australia, while China's assertiveness has generated deep mistrust.

In the Lowy Institute's 2025 'feelings thermometer', Beijing's favourability rating is now '37' out of 100, whereas Japan climbed to '76', making Tokyo the most trusted Asian power in Australia.

This alignment in public sentiment has translated into deeper collaboration.

Bilateral and multilateral exercises have demonstrated growing cooperation and shared resolve. Last September's Exercise Bushido Guardian emphasised 'fifth-generation integration' and brought together over 700 personnel from the air forces of the US, Japan, and Australia. A naval exercise last month between Australia and Japan, Nichi Gou Trident, enhanced communications and interoperability.

Tokyo and Canberra are also signalling an active and engaged approach to Washington and New Delhi, the other two members of the Quad.

A web of partnerships across the region with likeminded partners is imperative to contain China's hostile regional ambitions.

Alongside cooperation, both Australia and Japan are taking security matters into their own hands.

Canberra's defence expenditure is projected to grow from $44.6 billion in 2026 to $56.2 billion by 2030 and Treasurer Jim Chalmers is working on a package containing billions more in spending for the May 2026 budget.

The procurement of 11 Mogami-class frigates from Japan, the investment of $3.9 billion in nuclear-powered submarine shipbuilding facilities, and the securing of GMLRS production capacity represent important steps in the right direction.

These developments place Australia in a good position to draw the often-forgotten Melanesian and Polynesian regions into the Western strategic sphere. As the area China threatens increases, the significance of cooperation between Japan and Australia across all areas of the Indo-Pacific grows more important.

However, Canberra must do more. Should Australia be attacked by a foreign military, as almost half of Australians think will happen within five years, current progress is not enough.

With a strong electoral mandate, the Takaichi administration has made security its top priority, securing a record defence budget of over ¥9 trillion ($82.1 billion) for 2026.

Japan has begun procuring stand-off missiles from the United States and Norway while also equipping its destroyers with Tomahawk launch capabilities and deploying domestically produced new guided munitions.

On top of increased defence spending, the government plans to revise the "Three Strategic Documents" this year, with the aim of further strengthening the capabilities of the Self-Defence Forces.

These are extraordinary times. Not since World War II has the global security landscape been so unstable.

To counter Beijing's hegemonic intentions, Australia must improve its own military capabilities and advance cooperation with likeminded regional powers.

Considering Japan's industrial capability, willingness to cooperate, and the Australian public's favourable view of the country, Tokyo is an ideal partner for the job.